Guide The Persian Gulf Crisis (Greenwood Press Guides to Historic Events of the Twentieth Century)

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Thomas Collelo. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, Historical Dictionary of Iran. Harold D. Rattabahu wa-nazzamahu lafif min al-mustashriqin; wa-nasharahu A. Leiden; New York: Brill, Encyclopedia of the Palestine problem. New York, N. The Historical Dictionary of Algeria. Historical Dictionary of Palestine. Historical Dictionary of the Persian Gulf War, Historical Dictionary of Morocco.

Historical Dictionary of the Gulf Arab States. Historical Dictionary of Tunisia. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, Historical Dictionary of Saudi Arabia. Susan Hattis Rolef. James William , Sir, Beirut: Librarie du Liban, John, Ronald Bruce. Historical Dictionary of Libya.

New York: Greenwood Press, Political Dictionary of the Arab World. New York: Macmillan, Historical Dictionary of the Sudan. A Dictionary of modern written Arabic : Arabic-English. Milton Cowan, ed. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, Richard F. Washington, DC: American University, Khayr al-Din al-Zirikli. The Middle East Political Dictionary. Amsterdam: Djambatan, London: Graham and Trotman, London: Middle East Economic Digest, ? Atlas of the Middle East. Moshe Brawer. Cultural Atlas of Islam.

London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, William C. Leiden: Brill, Richard V. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, , 2 vol. Bayrut: Mu'assasat al-Risalah, Bethesda, Md. Malcolm Yapp. Center Microform Dorr, Steven R. Scholars' Guide to Washington D. Service Historique. Inventaire des Archives du Levant. Sous-Serie 4H Jean Nicot, Jeannine Duru. Paul Kesaris. Washington: University Publications of America, Munchen; New York: K. Saur, Serials American-Arab Affairs. New Delhi: K. Rhomas, Presented by USA. Presidents of the United States Websites with primary sources.

Bush , and the daily compilation of presidential documents for Obama The site also contains thousands of other documents such as party platforms, candidates' remarks, Statements of Administration Policy, documents released by the Office of the Press Secretary, and election debates. Primary and secondary source material on all of the US Presidents. Links to essays, online exhibits, 'Historical Presidency' articles on selected presidents regarding their transitions from the campaign trail to taking the Oval Office, an image gallery, oral histories, presidential recordings, and a speech archive.

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Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for all of the presidents of the United States. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, media resources audio and video where available , other Internet resources, and points of interest are also included. Links to presidential resource guides that are compilations of digital materials that are available through the Library of Congress: including manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, prints, photographs, sheet music, sound recordings, and films.

Each resource guide provides links to related external websites and a bibliography containing selected works for both a general audience and younger readers. Websites with primary sources on specific presidents. The Lincoln Digitization Project is comprised of both primary source documents, as well as modern scholarly interpretive materials, including thematic essays and video interviews. Features several collections at the Library of Congress that illuminate the life of Abraham Lincoln : the Abraham Lincoln papers correspondence and papers accumulated primarily during his presidency , the "We'll Sing to Abe Our Song!

Access to the published writings of Herbert Hoover: his memoirs 'Years of Adventure ', 'The Cabinet and the Presidency ', and 'The Great Depression ' , his public presidential papers, , and texts of his speeches, Search 'Franklin' FDR Library's digitized collections, both documents and images , FDR's day-by-day White House schedule calendar, and collections of still photographs, audio recordings and motion pictures, with links to online access. Links to online collections held by the Harry S.

Truman Library and Museum,covering Truman's entire life and career, including photographs, audio speeches, interviews, and legislative hearings , political cartoons, and documents organized by time period and topic. The manuscript archives contain many full-text documents and photographs related to Eisenhower's military career through World War II , the pre-presidential years Korean War, his years as President, declassified documents, and his Presidential Appointment Books.

In addition, some of the library's oral histories have transcripts available online. Links to the Library's materials on both John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy Onassis, much of which is available online: documents, personal papers, photographs, audio recordings, films, oral histories, and museum artifacts. The 'Online Collections' link on the Research page of the website has descriptions and links to holdings on Lyndon B. Online access to a portion of the holding of the Nixon Presidential Library: document collections including Presidential Daily Diaries, the Pentagon Papers, and Nixon's Grand Jury testimony , Nixon White House tapes, other sound recordings including oral histories , a photo gallery, a presidential timeline, and online exhibits, including one on Nixon's trip to China.

Online access to a portion of the holdings of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library: documents, photographs, audiotapes, videotapes, and films. Portal to the textual and audiovisual archives and museum collections of presidential records of George Bush , the vice presidential records of both George Bush and Dan Quayle as well as historical materials documenting George Bush's private and public career.

In the Textual Archives, the entire public presidential papers are in a searchable format, and some documents are available as PDFs. A select number of holdings in Audiovisual Archives and Museum Collections are available as photographs. Links to the collections in the Clinton Digital Library, including: audiovisual collections audio and video recordings and photographs , declassified documents related to Bosnia, Freedom of Information Act Collections, and White House Staff and Office Collections. Links to photograph albums, video clips, and degree views of artifacts held by the Library.

The World Reacts Flip-Book contains a small sample of condolence materials from citizens of over 75 countries after the attacks on September 11, , and the Dining and Diplomacy Flip-book illustrates the wide range of diplomatic and social events hosted by President George W. Bush and Mrs.

Laura Bush. Links to some of the documents from the presidency of Barack Obama, including archived White House websites and social media, and the public papers and executive orders of the President. The Barack Obama Presidential Library website also has links to photos and videos from his administration.

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Supreme Court of the United States Websites with primary sources. The site features transcript-synchronized and searchable audio, plain-English case summaries, illustrated decision information, and opinions. Oyez also provides detailed information on every justice throughout history and offers a panoramic tour of the Supreme Court building, including the chambers of several justices. Provides access to legal information, including opinions, court rules, and transcripts of oral arguments, about each case decided by the Supreme Court between the and terms. Examples include the identity of the court whose decision the Supreme Court reviewed, the parties to the suit, the legal provisions considered in the case, and the votes of the Justices.

Hosted by the Washington University in St. Search for court opinions, speeches, court orders, argument transcripts, argument audio, questions presented, and other information related to the proceedings of the Supreme Court. WSA Library book with primary sources. This book grew out of an historic opportunity to interview all of the living Supreme Court justices for a C-SPAN feature documentary about the Court, the only time that the nine sitting members and their two retired colleagues have granted interviews to a single television network.

Ten of those interviews are in this book. A wide range of geographical, cultural, and chronological information about the exploration of North America by Europeans and, later, Americans. The entries go from Eric the Red in A. A project of the Wisconsin Historical Society. The digital collections of the Library of Congress contain the complete George Washington Papers from the Manuscript Division, which consists of approximately 65, documents, with correspondence, letterbooks, commonplace books, diaries, journals, financial account books, military records, reports, and notes accumulated by Washington from through This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Washington such as letters, broadsides, government documents, books, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Washington. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to John Adams such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site. In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Adams. The digital collections of the Library of Congress contain the complete Thomas Jefferson Papers from the Manuscript Division, which consists of approximately 27, documents. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Jefferson such as letters, broadsides, government documents, books, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Jefferson. Gray Call Number: An illustrated collection of documents that provide insights into the lives of American colonists, including letters, diaries, sermons, newspapers, and poems. The correspondence between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson spanned half a century and embraced government, philosophy, religion, quotidiana, and family griefs and joys.

First meeting as delegates to the Continental Congress in , they initiated correspondence in , negotiated jointly as ministers in Europe in the s, and served the early Republic--each, ultimately, in its highest office. At Jefferson's defeat of Adams for the presidency in , they became estranged, and the correspondence lapses from to , then is renewed until the death of both in , fifty years to the day after the Declaration of Independence.

Statesman Benjamin Franklin recalls his life, from his youth as a rebellious runaway apprentice, to successful leader, printer and journalist, social and political reformer, scientist, and philosopher. Sources on the history of the 19th-century United States; hosted by Tufts University. A digital library of primary sources in American social history from the antebellum period through reconstruction. The collection is particularly strong in the subject areas of education, psychology, American history, sociology, religion, and science and technology.

The University of Michigan site has approximately 10, books and 50, journal articles with 19th century imprints. This site provides access to monograph volumes and over , journal articles with 19th century imprints. Alexis de Tocqueville came to America in to see what a great republic was like. What struck him most was the country's equality of conditions, its democracy.

The book he wrote on his return to France, Democracy in America, was based partly on his observations of the American political and social conditions during that visit. Uses a wide variety of documents to show how Americans dealt with an age of extremes from to , including rapid industrialization, unemployment, unprecedented wealth, and immigration.

Diaries relate the story of six women who go West in the late s. The collections on VT Special Collections Online contain letters and diaries from both Union and Confederate soldiers, home front letters, and memoirs; many of which have online guides to aid in research. A digital resource that chronicles the war's impact on the U. A project of the University of Nebraska, Lincoln. Transcriptions of letters and speeches of Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy during the American Civil War.

The 'Archives' section of the site also provides information and images on Davis, his family, and places important in his life. Issues of the Richmond Daily Dispatch newspaper issues of the paper available online, ranging in date from November through December Every page of each issue can be seen as an image or transcribed text. The site also has full-text versions of books on Civil War Richmond. A collection of transcribed editorials from the partisan press of the late antebellum period.

A project of Furman University. Shows life in two towns, one Northern and one Southern, from to Includes letters, diaries, church records, maps, census records and more. Organized in to four sections: Series 1 reports, both Union and Confederate, of the first seizures of United States property in the Southern States, and of all military operations in the field , Series 2 correspondence, orders, reports, and returns, Union and Confederate, relating to prisoners of war , Series 3 additional documents from the Union authorities , and Series 4 additional documents from the Confederate authorities.

A variety of letters written by American servicemen which include accounts of combat, complaints about conditions, philosophical musings, love letters, and final thoughts. Davis Call Number: Reprint of: Atlas to accompany the official records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Washington, D. Presents thirty-five source documents and modern essays on nineteenth-century American history, covering the Civil War and its causes, Reconstruction, land disputes with Native Americans, and issues in the Gilded Age.

Includes a chronology and a further-reading list. Representative collection of 16 masterly orations, correspondence, including "House Divided" speech at the Republican State Convention , the First Inaugural Address , the Gettysburg Address , the Letter to Mrs. Bixby , expressing regret over the wartime deaths of her five sons, and the Second Inaugural Address , and 11 others. Collects the complete New York Times coverage of the events in the Civil War, including accounts of battles, personal stories, and political actions, and provides cultural and historical perspective on the published issues.

A compilation of General Chamberlain's Civil War addresses and writings. This collection contains chapters on the campaigns of Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, Petersburg, the White Oak Road, Five Forks and Appomattox, as well as Chamberlain's personal account of the surrender of the Confederate Army and the Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac Appendices include official battle reports of the Gettysburg and Appomattox campaigns, an account of the last salute to the Army of Northern Virginia, monument dedication exercises on the Gettysburg Battlefield, and a memorial address on the life of President Abraham Lincoln.

Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Abraham Lincoln. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, other Internet resources, and points of interest are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Abraham Lincoln such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site. In addition, it provides links to the complete Abraham Lincoln Papers from the Manuscript Division, and to external Web sites focusing on Lincoln.

Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Andrew Johnson. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, and other Internet resources are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Andrew Johnson such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Johnson. Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Ulysses S. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Ulysses S. Grant such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site. In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Grant.

Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Rutherford B. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Rutherford B. Hayes such as manuscripts, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site. In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Hayes. Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for James Garfield. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to James Garfield such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Garfield. Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Chester Arthur. Links to Internet biographies are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Chester Arthur such as manuscripts, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site. In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Arthur.

Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Grover Cleveland. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, media resources audio , and points of interest are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Grover Cleveland such as manuscripts, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Cleveland. Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for Benjamin Harrison. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, and points of interest are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to Benjamin Harrison such as manuscripts, letters, broadsides, government documents, and images that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on Harrison. Background information, election results, a list of cabinet members, and notable events for William McKinley. Links to Internet biographies, historical documents, media resources audio and video , and other Internet resources are also included. This resource guide compiles links to digital materials related to William McKinley such as manuscripts, broadsides, government documents, images, sheet music, and films that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on McKinley. A wide variety of material associated with the Spanish-American War held by the Library of This guide compiles links to digital materials related to the Spanish-American War that are available throughout the Library of Congress Web site, including manuscripts, maps, broadsides, photographs, prints, sheet music, and films.

In addition, it provides links to external Web sites focusing on the Spanish-American War. The site commemorates the centennial of the Spanish-American War. It contains a wide variety of information on the war, including an overview of the war, a chronology, action reports, diaries, unit profiles, rosters, photographs, and genealogy research tips. The U. Army Center of Military History provides the full text of online books related to the Spanish-American War, along with related documents, correspondence, and images. Smith Call Number: Historical documents help trace the development of imperial growth throughout the world.

The report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States also known as the Commission , giving a full and complete account of the circumstances surrounding the September 11, terrorist attacks, including preparedness for and the immediate response to the attacks. Historic programs of publicly funded radio and television across Americ,a, an audio and video record of the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st.

The search feature allows users to filter for media type, genre, topic, asset type, organization, year and access type. The database is also browsable by theme. Many more went on to become ministers in cabinets that could not be described as democratic except by an extreme stretch of the imagination and terminology. This probably provides the key understanding as to the nature of the democratic crisis in the Arab world. From the beginning, the concern in Arab and Muslim circles has not been with democracy as an intrinsic value, but as a means to something else.

It was the same with the revolutionaries of the post-war era. For that early generation and their latter day — more radical — successors, some key objectives were too important to be left at the mercy of democratic process. Both groups did not concentrate on empowering the people as an urgent necessity, for the priority was to empower communities or states. Only later does commitment to democracy evolve and solidify, receiving an unequivocal and enduring commitment from main actors.

However, the problem in the Arab world is that rival political groups continue to entertain the view that many things are too important to entrust to the vagaries of a democratic process and the whims of the populace. The debate on governance in the Arab world on the threshold of modernity became entangled from early on with the debate on what form of government is required by Islam.

In its early form, the debate centred on the caliphate and whether it could be saved or restored El-Affendi, 81— Additionally, this debate was also influenced by developments such as the Constitutional Revolution of —6 in Iran, the first experiment of its kind in the Muslim world. Many of the proponents of these models were reluctant to describe them as democratic.

In fact, many were adamant that democracy and Islam were incompatible El-Affendi, According to this formula, elected bodies should be constantly under the supervision of a faqih , a man of profound religious learning and integrity who has the power to overrule any decision deemed in contravention of Islamic law.


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The emergence of Islamist visions of the state has become a hindrance to democratization on two counts. First, the Islamist—secularist divide has become the primary divide in Arab politics, hindering a democratic consensus and also giving autocratic regimes and their foreign backers excuses to avoid a commitment to democracy.

The association of Islamism with violent resistance to Israel Hamas, Hizbullah, etc. Secondly, Islamist ideas and practices have themselves tended to be anti-democratic. Islamic rule in Iran and Sudan, and the anti-democratic models mentioned earlier, have tended both to build anti-democratic constituencies and to make democrats sceptical about the democratic commitments of Islamists, notwithstanding the fact that moderate Islamist groups have generally made these commitments.

For one thing, these formulas appear to assume that governance is essentially a judicial process, with the ruler assuming the role of a chief justice issuing rulings about conformity to law. That characterization of governance is too narrow. Governance is about much more than law enforcement, involving as it does the constant negotiation of rival demands, interests and perceptions. The skills required here are not merely those relevant to the task of determining conformity to law.

But even if we accept this characterization, it becomes difficult to reconcile the basic contradiction between two central presuppositions inherent in these models. But in this case, the demand for a supremely pious and learned leader to help determine the law and the wide area of discretion granted to him becomes superfluous.

That such an expert is called for seems to suggest that the law is not that clear, needing a special guide through its mazes. But if the law is not already laid down, a question arises as to whether one individual or a small group of experts is better placed to determine and expound on it than a larger pool of people, which is the essence of the anti-democratic prescriptions of the proponents of the model.

Finally, it is held that public opinion is not a reliable arbiter when seeking to determine what Islamic law dictates, and only specialized experts can tell us what the law is. In fact, Islamic teachings are not all legal injunctions, since the bulk are ethical norms requiring and offering a wide area of discretion and initiative. Also the myth that Islamic teachings cover every facet of life and offer ready guidance is contradicted by unequivocal Quranic verses demanding that believers should not ask too many questions of the Prophet Quran 5: This is, in turn, related to an incident when the Prophet became upset because one individual kept demanding unnecessary clarifications about a command he gave to perform a pilgrimage, prompting the Prophet to advise his audience not to risk burdening themselves with additional duties by asking for details.

This leaves the widest possible margin for initiative and fresh thinking on the most appropriate ethical conduct in all areas, including the area of governance, on which the texts say very little anyway. The argument that an individual or a class of individuals is better placed to resolve matters of dispute than the community as a whole contradicts another fundamental Islamic tenet: that no priesthood is permitted or acceptable.

A khalifah or a faqih who puts himself up as an absolute authority in fact claims divine powers for himself, an unacceptable situation that can only be negated if the individual in question becomes accountable to the community as a whole. It would appear from the above that Islamic teachings are not only compatible with democracy, but demand it. The challenge posed for Arab democracy by Islamist thought and practice is probably the most important one at the moment, and it needs to be tackled at several levels.

Further, all political forces in the Arab world, including Islamists, need to build democratic coalitions constructed around mutual reassurances and understandings, with a commitment to peaceful coexistence and mutual recognition. This is necessary in order to deprive the despotic regimes of their divide-and-conquer advantage. Finally, a clear international stance in favour of democracy must be developed on the basis of the rejection of all excuses that maintain Arabs are not worthy of freedom for one reason or other.

Nothing ever justifies the deprivation of whole peoples of their non-negotiable rights of self-determination and a life of freedom and security. As Waines aptly put it,. What is seldom acknowledged is that the strident authoritarian voices of contemporary religious fundamentalists have confronted for decades the powerful forces of secular fundamentalism, which have striven to eliminate them. One consequence of this has been the muting through co-optation by secular fundamentalists of the religiously authoritative voices of modernists.

The account above highlights some key issues impinging on the stubborn democracy deficit in the Arab world. The glaring absence of democracy in the Arab world is not in dispute. Between and , not a single Arab country has been classified as free in the Freedom House annual survey. Polity IV scores tell a similar story. But it is not just the persistence of autocracy in the Arab world, but its depth. A similar story also emerges from comparing annual mean changes of Polity IV in and outside the Arab world … Out of observations of change in the polity score for Arab states, only 31 of them are positive i.

General and Theoretical Works

There are, of course, problems with both indexes, as they do not necessarily reflect accurately the existing conditions due to their reliance on subjective measures. These mark how heads of state and members of the legislature are selected, as well as political party development, suffrage, and the maturity of political rights and civil liberties. The annual Freedom House survey provides a fifth variable measuring media freedom. Measurements of religious liberty can be derived from US Department of State reports.

The status of democracy index assigns each of these nine variables 2 points for a total of 18 points. Each score ranges from 0 to 2, with 0 being nonexistent and 2 being the highest measurement. On this basis, Arab states were ranked according to performance, with Morocco at the top, with 11 points, and Saudi Arabia at the bottom, with 2. In the rankings, Saudi Arabia was given 4, but still remained at the bottom, while Morocco was downgraded to 8, leaving Jordan and Lebanon at the top spot with Again, many of the rankings display anomalies, ranking Libya, Bahrain, Oman and Qatar on the same level 5 points; Qatar was raised to 6 in , while Tunisia is given a score of 10 9 in , well above UAE 6 and one point above Kuwait 9, downgraded to 8.

Clearly, there is also something fundamentally wrong with this classification Sarsar, However, the overall picture cannot be mistaken. Its score in rejecting authoritarianism is also the highest, significantly higher, in fact, than the population of Western Europe in both scores AHDR, The report conducted surveys of its own that confirmed this inclination AHDR, 89— The correlation between support for [democracy] as a very good way of governance and religiosity is insignificant although slightly positive.

Predominantly Islamic societies show very high levels of support for [democracy] as a very good way of governing their countries, while simultaneously showing high levels of religiosity. Al-Braizat goes further, finding a strong correlation between the Human Development Index HDI and the actual progress to democratization. While support for democracy in most Muslim countries remains high, actual democratization as measured in years of uninterrupted democracy correlates positively with HDI and negatively with religiosity Al-Braizat, — Al-Braizat takes this to reflect a correlation between actual democratization and modernization, since he assumes a correlation between modernization and decline of religious observance, in line with classical modernization theory.

A similar stance in support of modernization theory is taken by Epstein et al.

20th Century Battlefields: 1991 Gulf War (BBC)

Using polity scores, Epstein et al. However, another study using the same polity scores has concluded that, regardless of its merits, the modernization hypothesis does not work in the Arab world Elbadawi and Makdisi, In fact, the richer oil-producing Arab countries, whose per capita GDP is topped only by the OECD income levels, have consistently obtained the lowest polity scores, with some scoring —10 for prolonged periods. Ironically, while income levels in most Arab countries were higher than the median income in developing countries worldwide, Arab countries lagged behind developing countries in democracy as reflected in polity scores, while the sporadic spells of democratization occurred mainly in the poorer Arab countries Elbadawi and Makdisi, —2.

This important insight takes us back to the Napoleon—Saddam Syndrome, the persistent pathology specific to the Arab region in particular and the Middle East in general. If we observe democratic norms and human rights, their argument goes, all will be lost. Enemies of the people or civilization or religion or freedom will take over Zakaria, The convergence in attitudes between the alien invaders and occupiers Israelis, Americans in Iraq and the local despots in advancing the claims that the Arab region is a brutal jungle where violence and repression are needed to keep order, betrays deeper structural similarities between the forces of alien occupation, and the indigenous post-colonial state which has inherited the colonial legacy and sought to perpetuate it.

As the Tunisian activist Moncef Marzouki see below and others argue, the current despotic Arab state has come to resemble an alien occupation. While there is clearly a difference in the degree of alienation between foreign colonial forces in particular, Israeli settler colonialism and home-grown despotism, there are also some significant parallels. If Israel believes itself to be an alien entity facing rejection, the state in the Arab world is equally alien and at war with society Ayubi, —4.

It jealously safeguarded its autonomy from society and has sought to rely more and more on foreign support.

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This character of the state has made it precarious and vulnerable. The fact that a number of Arab states have come to resemble occupation powers is dialectically related to the tendency of some opposition groups to seek foreign support and even court foreign occupation or presence in their counties. In Libya and later in Sudan, the opposition sought foreign support to topple the regime and, in the case of Sudan, supported the presence of foreign troops to protect civilians.

It thus appears that for at least certain opposition groups the regimes they oppose are seen as worse than foreign occupation. At the very moment when Soviet troops were leaving Eastern Europe to pave the way for independence and democratization, foreign troops were pouring into the region to back authoritarian regimes.

More troops have since arrived and vast funds have also been deployed to support favoured regimes. The aftermath of September 11 reinforced these trends. Everything pointed to system meltdown. In view of all this, it can be argued that the reason why the Middle East remains inhospitable to democracy is the same reason why it also remains inhospitable to the rise of an autonomous and influential bourgeoisie. The indigenous bourgeoisie bears the stamp of this war environment.

Otherwise, it stands no chance. In most Arab countries the state manipulates economic measures for political ends. The phenomenon is akin to internal colonialism, with the privileged rich acting like a settler community. More significantly, the new regimes appear to have in fact almost abolished the public—private distinction, leaving the state elite to treat both as a legitimate domain.

In any case, the rentier state has less need of the bourgeoisie than the latter has of the state. Political structures and cultural orientations which could oversee and underpin the atomization of society, the dissolution of feudal or traditional bonds, a massive urbanization, relative indifference to religious strictures, the pauperization and uprooting of farm labourers, etc. In particular, a relatively impartial state which is not also a private business enterprise is absolutely essential. Secularization does not bring about indifference to religious issues; it is widespread indifference to religious issues that enables secularization.

A disenchanted world, by contrast, is a bland universe of acts which are indifferently alike. In the case of the Middle East, the trend has been moving in the other direction. It is true that in some countries economic liberalism has made some progress. In places like the United Arab Emirates, and in particular its thriving emirate of Dubai, the system has witnessed some reform and streamlining.

However, Dubai has been criticized for having achieved its success by becoming a site of runaway globalization where the creation of wealth is deliberately de-linked from citizenship rights Devji, The nearby state of Qatar is also moving in the same direction of the liberalized bourgeois state, but has additionally institutionalized the distinction between the private wealth of the rulers and state revenues.

It has also taken tentative steps towards institutionalizing democratic citizenship. However, in all these countries, some very important taboos remain, most significantly with regard to political action. Governments regard any unsanctioned attempts at political or civil society organization as a very serious matter. In recent decades, the region has also witnessed twin processes of Islamization and traditionalization. The first phenomenon is now well known and has been extensively studied. It has been reflected both in increased personal religious observance and also in membership of Islamic activist groups.

Such groups tend to endow more and more social activities with religious meaning, and either encourage or oppose them on this basis. Most of these activities relate to sexual mores and the public conduct of women Islamic dress, mixed dancing, etc. Simultaneously with this, and even prior to it, some governments adopted a reverse attitude of investing personal and social acts such as the wearing of head-scarves by women with utmost political significance, and treating them as a most serious threat. This contagion has now moved to Europe and beyond with the headscarves and niqab controversies.

At the same time, regimes in the area began to deliberately revive and exploit traditionalist social structures, such as tribes, clans, sects and rural dignitaries and heads of families, in their bid to strengthen their hold on power and to further marginalize the rebellious intelligentsia from which came most of the opposition to their rule. Opposition groups also resorted to the mobilization of sectarian, ethnic and tribal identities in order to fight back, while ordinary citizens sought protection from the threat of the expanding authoritarian state in these traditional bonds, a process made more imperative by the deliberate weakening of any viable civil society mechanisms of defence or solidarity.

We point here to the huge rents emanating from oil, aid, strategic assets, etc. The regimes that participated in the —1 war on Iraq, for example, received massive foreign funding vital for their longevity at a time when dictatorships in Eastern Europe and elsewhere were unravelling. The resulting strong and modernized economy helps to subsidize a host of unproductive or counterproductive activities and make it financially attractive enough for bourgeois families to abandon the bastions of McWorld in Europe and the USA for a life on the frontline settlements on the hills of Judea.

The generous flow of external resources has helped this extraordinary juxtaposition of jihad and McWorld. In the subsidized settlements, the profit motive and religious activism are satisfied in one move, and the salvation ideology meshes beautifully with the bourgeois economy. The USA, which has had its own contingent of militias, Armageddonites and other jihadists since the s Barber, ; El-Affendi, b , has been a long-term contributor to jihadism in the region.

It funds and backs extremist settler groups in Israel as it had earlier backed jihadists in Afghanistan. American jihadism in the region has triggered a powerful defensive reaction in the Muslim world, further undermining the prospects for democracy. One can thus argue that the central issue relating to democratization in the Arab world pertains to the robustness of authoritarian regimes and their sources of power, given the nature of the alien state and the widespread opposition to despotism and alien control.

As Eva Bellin perceptively put it:. Thus, the solution to the puzzle of Middle Eastern and North African exceptionalism lies less in the absent prerequisites of democratization and more in present conditions that foster robust authoritarianism, specifically a robust coercive apparatus in these states.

The robustness of the coercive apparatus of the Arab state is derived from ample resources put at its disposal by the states and their foreign backers ; the reassurance and legitimacy provided by international networks of support; the patrimonial nature of the state; and its security apparatus, where private links of kin and patronage reinforce loyalty and demobilize the opposition. The beleaguered opposition is, in turn, weakened and discouraged from mounting campaigns due to the harsh measures deployed against it Bellin, —7.

It can thus be concluded that neither a presumed cultural aversion to democracy nor an underdeveloped class structure can be said to be responsible for the turbulent politics of the Middle East. Nothing here is permitted to be trivial or mundane. Every actor, including the USA and Israel, has a messianic project, a sacred cause, a vital interest.

Nothing is treated as trivial or neutral. On the contrary, everything here, from food to dress, from language to cities, is invested with an irreplaceable value. This has little to do with ingrained cultural traits and a lot to do with conscious political choices.

The entrenched despotic regimes have deliberately and sometimes inadvertently engineered modes of polarization that would make their despotic ways look as if they are the last bulwark against the total disintegration of their countries. Like a terrorist with an explosive belt, the despot makes sure that, if he goes, the whole house will go up in flames. The USA, Israel and other intruders have acted in the same way.

These foreign actors also emulate local despots in creating and fostering, in their desperation, polarized identities that end up holding them and everyone else hostage. This can be seen in the way sectarianism has been fostered in Iraq and encouraged in Lebanon. It is not only that we are faced here with a durable coalition of opportunist and messianic actors who believe that too much is at stake for one to bother about such mundane concerns as majority opinion, the rate of profit, budget deficit, bourgeois pleasures or even life itself.

What is more alarming is that, in the shadow of these coalitions, extremely dangerous and disturbing structures of domination and disenfranchisement are becoming so entrenched and so alien that the amount of violence required to dislodge them will be phenomenal. The guillotine is sure to follow. Had it been so, then there would have been no need for the extreme violence being deployed by regimes to maintain their grip on power. As Bellin rightly pointed out, the issue here is not the preferences of the locals, but the ability of the regimes to defy these preferences.

This happens due to the patrimonial nature of the repressive apparatus, which combines sectarian and clannish links to isolate itself from the polarized society, and the ample resources and international support it enjoys. It is this extreme situation, and the mounting resistance to it, that fosters the polarization and extremism infecting the region. From Napoleon to Bush, and the numerous local despots in between, the modern state in the Arab world and its allies and adversaries, including Israel is at war with the people. As Ayubi and others rightly pointed out, this has also shaped opposition to these regimes.

The polarization and rising tension has become self-reinforcing. There are nevertheless, positive signs. Arab intellectuals, politicians and civil society actors are realizing more and more that this situation is no longer tenable. Nascent coalitions of democrats, including moderate Islamists, are emerging to challenge authoritarian regimes.

In spite of brutal crackdowns and deliberate attempts to sow divisions, the movements persist, and others are emulating their action. That is where the future of the Arab world lies. Allah has prescribed Hajj for you, so you must perform it. Some people who lived before you were destroyed because they asked too many questions and disagreed with their Prophets.

Abdalla, I. Abu-Rabi, I. Adam, C. Al-Braizat, F. Al-Din al-Albani, N. Almond, G. Anderson, L. Aslan, R. Ayubi, N. Barak, E. Beetham, D. Bellin, E. Binder, L. Blondel, J. Brynen, R. Bulliet, R. Dimugratiyya wa Huquq al. Cole, J. Crick, B. Dahl, R. Devji, F. Diamond, L. El-Affendi, A. Tauris: — Held and M. Perspectives on U. Khan ed. Elbadawi, I. Elhadj, E. Epstein, D. Farazmand, A. Flower, R. Hamoudi, A. Hanafi, H. Hersh, S. Hilal, A. Hudson, M. Huntington, S. Inoguchi, T. Ismael, S. Kerr, M. Lewis, B. Linz, J. Mamdani, M. Manji, I. Marzouki, M. Miller, J. Norton, R.

Parekh, B. Plattner, M. Przeworski, A. Rajiva, L. Sadiki, L. Sarsar, S. Sluglett, P. Schlumberger ed. Tessler, M. Umaymur, M. Waines, D. Waterbury, J. Wedeen, L. Zakaria, F. The role of oil and conflicts 1. The Arab world initiated a short-lived move toward democratic practices in the s that was reversed in the s. While there was some limited progress on democratization in a few Arab states during the s, the Arab world has generally failed to catch up with the rest of the world, falling further behind in the period following the breakup of the Soviet Union and the ushering in of the current era of globalization.

Arab autocracies have tended to survive much longer than the median length of regime of their type in the world, suggesting that there is something unique about the process of democratization in the Arab world. Beyond the untold human suffering due to the denial of political rights and restrictions on civil liberties associated with authoritarian governance, there are also questions of whether lasting economic growth and equitable, sustainable development are possible in autocratic regimes.

The dire consequences of the lack of participatory governance for protection of property rights, investment, growth and, hence, for the overall development agenda of the region, have been emphasized by several Arab writers. In particular, the apparent difficulty of managing the consequences of frequent oil shocks — which affect all Arab countries, oil and non oil-producing alike — has been linked to the lack of political institutions for mediating the conflicting interests of various social groups in a way that ensures sustainability of growth-promoting policies and maintenance of a basic social development agenda.

This chapter brings together results from two previous papers Elbadawi and Makdisi, and Elbadawi, Makdisi and Milante, and the most current research on democratization to explore these questions. Then we consider three different measures of democracy section 3 and introduce the variables associated with measuring democracy section 4. In section 5 we present some tests to assess the impact of these variables and discuss the results of the tests. This phenomenon suggests that, while economic progress may be necessary for political liberalization, it has not been a sufficient condition in the Arab world.

In the Arab environment, history, conflicts and ideology appear to be more important in determining political progress. For example, it can be argued that during the s and s legitimacy was not necessarily derived from political liberalization but instead from ideologies associated with Arab nationalism, socialism and the declared struggle to liberate Palestine.


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These ideologies were promoted by the charisma of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and other pan-Arab political forces, providing potent sources of legitimacy for many authoritarian Arab regimes. However, the rise of oil as a dominant influence in the Arab economies and the partial peace with Israel ushered the region into a new era of political pragmatism that lasted into the s and, arguably, to the present day.

While the oil-rich Arab states were able to enjoy prosperity without extension of the political franchise, 6 this also created unprecedented economic integration of the oil-producing countries in the global economy. Meanwhile, Egypt, the most populous and historically most influential Arab country, became a close strategic and military ally to the United States, along with Saudi Arabia and other traditionally conservative Arab monarchies. The new oil era that resulted in increased wealth and prosperity for countries in the region, along with the greater political dependence of Egypt and the Arab monarchies on the USA, has been accompanied by a major paradigm shift away from the ideals of Arab nationalism that dominated previous decades.

Despite this paradigm shift in the political discourse since the s, there has been no change in the popular legitimacy of the Arab autocracies. While limited forms of political liberalization in some of the Arab countries may be noted, such as formal but controlled parliamentary elections, and a greater but still small degree of freedom in political expression, Arab autocracies have continued to rely on various forms of oppression, legitimacy by default, the engineering of crisis politics and, more recently, the pretext of containing fundamentalist Islamic movements.

In our view, two decades later, this assessment remains, for the most part. Despite the demise of the Soviet Union, the end of the oil boom, the Gulf wars, the worsening Palestinian crisis, as well as civil wars and other internal conflicts, no regime in the Arab world has extended the political franchise to the point where citizens could exercise effective control over public policy. In virtually all Arab countries, the prospect of a regime losing power in an election is inconceivable. During this same period, democracy in other regions of the world has been steadily increasing, as demonstrated by trends in the Polity IV index, which provides ratings from —10 strongly autocratic to 10 strongly democratic for all countries from to